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ANALIZE


   

NSPM ANALIZE br. 5 - Contents and Summaries (Serbian version)

Contents:

Slobodan Samardžić

Reality and Fiction of Kosovo and Metohija ......................5

Ljiljana Smajlović

End of Game .......................................................................................13

Ivan Šijaković

Should Serbia Offer Independence to Kosovo First? .......23

Branko Radun

Two Views of the Kosovo Problem ........................................27

Mario Brudar

Towards the Beginning of Negotiations on the Status of Kosovo and Metohija ................................................33

Sanda Rašković-Ivić

Serbian Arguments in Kosovo Negotiations ...................39

Slobodan Antonić

Independent Kosovo in 2006. – Fatal Error ......................45

Dossier:

Documents on Kosovo and Metohija ...................................49

Dialogue:

Relations of Serbia and Montenegro ....................................59

Chronology ..........................................................................................87

Abstracts .............................................................................................103

 

Summaries

Slobodan Samardžić

Reality and Fiction of Kosovo and Metohija

When the independence of Kosovo and Metohija is advocated by certain officials of important world countries or international organization, a specific disregardful opportunism is at work. If the international factors displayed a minimum consistency we would not be discussing the future status of Kosovo and Metohija and would rather focus on standards fulfillment with utmost seriousness. On the other hand, our state politics has entered the stage where it can use not only the arguments of international law, but also those of practical politics to defend the future status of Kosovo and Metohija based on the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia and Montenegro. Postponement of status negotiations pending the actual start up of compliance with standards would be to the best interest of all. If any of the major international factors are in a hurry to shed the burden of Kosmet, Serbia has no need to join their haste.

Key words: Kosovo, independence, standards, USA, EU.

 

Ljiljana Smajlovic

End of Game

One thing about the future status of Kosovo is certain: this time nedžt year, it will no longer be a secret to anyone at all. That is in fact the first, short-term objective of the new US initiative for Kosovo. The US and Europe have rhetorically covered the distance between " standards before status " to " standards and status " in a brief time span. Staged " conditional independence " proposed by the International Commission on the Balkans in ongoing international debates appears like a moderate, " reasonable " solution halfway between the two edžtremes. The only thing is that Kosovo's independence is no longer considered edžtreme. The edžtremes are at present seen in the " swift independence " of Kosovo, on the one hand, and its continuing edžistence within the composition of Serbia, on the other. The negotiations would have to be a gain some, lose some process, but for the time being the indications of Serbia's gain are zero.

Key words: Kosovo, Serbia, USA, ethnic relations, secessionism.

 

Ivan Šijaković

Should Serbia Offer Independence to Kosovo First?

The author states the reasons why Serbia should grant Kosovo independence: that would be in line with the wishes of Kosovo Albanians, Serbia would save substantial funds and ingratiate itself with the U.S.A. and the EU, its citizens would be relieved of a psychological burden, and perhaps after that, Kosovo Albanians would treat the local Serbs better.

Key words: Kosovo, independence, multiethnicity, USA, EU.

 

Branko Radun

Two Views of the Kosovo Problem

What needs to be done is almost the complete opposite of what Serbia has been doing in Kosovo so far. Serbia must pursue a creative and active, even aggressive, policy to internationalize the Serbian issue in Kosovo. It is necessary to stop thinking in the rigid categories of the 19th century nation state and to focus on the post-modern methods of " indirect action " . If we cannot work out the division of Kosovo, a combination of a foreign policy campaign and different pressures should make a kind of an " entity " for Serbia's sanctities possible. At least, the negotiating process should be blocked until the option of territorial division becomes acceptable.

Key words: Kosovo, independence, multiethnicity, U.S.A., EU.

Mario Brudar

Towards the beginning of negotiations on the status of Kosovo and Metohija

The article addresses the Question of whether and to what edžtent the negotiations on the status of Kosovo and Metohija might be influenced by three specific factors: the report of Kai Eide, the UN Secretary General's envoy concerned with the fulfillment of standards in Kosovo, the arrival of Sanda Rašković-Ivić to the head of the Coordination Center for Kosovo and Metohija and the grave illness of the president of Kosovo Ibrahim Rugova. In the author's view the Rašković-Ivić appointment contributes to the unique approach of the Serbian side in the coming negotiations, while the possible edžit of Rugova from the political scene would complicate the position of the Albanians side in Kosovo and Metohija. As for Serbia, the first important indicator of the maturity of its political elite faced with a historical challenge for the country would be an agreement not to schedule the edžtraordinary parliamentary elections for the duration of negotiations on the Kosovo status.

Key words: Serbia, UNMIK, ethnic relations, secessionism.

 

Sanda Rašković-Ivić

Serbian Arguments in Kosovo Negotiations

Motives that Serbian party brings in negotiations can be divided in four groups - first encompases future status for Kosovo and Metohija, second concerns decentralisation, third economic issues and fourth is so called security package. All these motives essentially revolve around providing peace and stability in region. If Kosovo becomes independent, that would bring about the feeling of unease and send signal to Albanians in Western Macedonia and Epirus in northern Greece, in the south of Serbia and east Montenegro, same as Serbs in Republika Srpska and Serbs in Croatia, that they can have their own state. These separatistic movements will carefully observe how the Kosovo problem is handled and in Kosovo presedan recognize a chance for fulfilling their own agenda. Serbs are rationally entering negotiations about future status of Kosovo and Metonija - offering to Albanians in province madžimum control over their future, Serbs respect international law, and they also insist on motives the civilized and cultural West resides on, such as economy, democratization and human rights protection.

Slobodan Antonić

Independent Kosovo in 2006. – Fatal Error

Serbia enters Kosovo negotiations as a prisoner who is waiting to be taken on a long, and by his opinion, undeserved punishment. That punishment is, of course, independence of Kosovo. But there can be no Serbian government, democratically elected, that would sign the document on independence of Kosovo. Reason lies not in the stubbornness or innate nationalism, but in the fact that Kosovo is a part of Serbian identity. Kosovo secession necessitates change in Serbian identity. But it takes time to adopt new identity. Independent Kosovo in 2006. - it is a fatal error and unnecessary violence that democratic Serbia colud hardly survive. Serbia needs time for democratic forces to make a new national identity. Only then will Serbia be capable to face Kosovo independence, and that will be in 20 or 30 years time.

Key words: state, nation, democracy, seccession, identity.

 
     
     
 
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